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The Third World Debt Crisis - "the Fault of the Developing Countries or "irresponsible Lending" by the Western Financial Banking Institution?"

1.  Introductionrolling over of debts , the re-scheduling of
debt repayments, and the supplying of new
The debt crisis and loan defaults have been amoney. While agreeing to delay in the
constant feature of the global economy, therepayments of the loans, the banks opposed
present size of the world debt problemany  reduction  in the interest of the loans.
overwhelms the imagination. It is clear that
the countries in the Third World are in anThis was the structural weakness of the
inherently disadvantageous position. Asfinancial system. Once committed, it was
primary exporters, they are at the mercy ofpractically impossible for banks to withdraw
price and demand fluctuations infrom  the  market.
international markets. These fluctuations are
beyond the sellers' control as they reflect3.  (C)  Interest  Rates  and  Recession
the economic health of client industries in
the  West.If higher oil prices set the stage for a
heavy debt burden for many countries in the
The total world debt soared from1970s, the global recession and high interest
approximately $100 billion in the early 1970srates of 1980-82 added sufficiently to the
to nearly $900 billion dollars by theburden  indiscreetly.
mid-1980s. Time Magazine stated, "Never in
history have so many nations owed so muchBorrowers became accustomed to low real
money  with so little promise of repayment" .interest rates in the 1970s, it made sense to
borrow in such conditions. In 1979-80,
This paper will explain the "origins" of thenominal interest rates were high, (LIBOR -
debt crisis problem and re-assess in detailLondon Interbank Offered rate - averaged
the causes of the debt problem, and question13.2%). Approximately two-thirds of
whether the Third World Debt Crisis was adeveloping country debt is indexed to LIBOR .
crisis of debt (i.e. the fault of the
developing countries) or of credit (i.e.However, by 1981-82, inflation fell sharply,
irresponsible  lending  by  banks).but nominal interest rates remained high.
This meant very high real interest rates of
2.  The  "origins" of the Debt Crisis problem7.5% in 1981 and 11% in 1982. It did not make
sense to borrow in such conditions, but by
There are so many books and articles thatthen most non-oil developing countries had no
provide detailed descriptions to the originschoice in the matter. They had to borrow more
of the debt problem . However in my opinion,in order to pay-off old debts, and the
the global debt problem stems from twointerest rates had an immediate effect on
periods:debt  growth.
• In particular, the forces dating toInstead in an effort to reduce inflation,
the mid-1970s, and the first oil price shocksome Western Governments increased interest
(1973-74)rates and adopted tight fiscal policies. The
non-oil developing countries paid the price
• The beginning of the Reaganof that interest rise in 1981-82. For
Administrationdebtors, inflation is a good thing, as it
erodes the debt they have to pay off. For
2. (A). The mid-1970s and the first oil pricecreditors, who wanted to reduce inflation,
shockincreased interest rates were a worth-while
price  to  pay  for  lower  inflation.
The period 1974-80, played a huge part to the
debt crisis, which can summarised as follows:The problem of this policy, was that higher
interest rates tended to aggravate the world
Firstly the most important oil-exportingrecession, that began in the 1979-80period.
countries, (not being able to utiliseGrowth rates in the OECD countries fell from
domestically the vast financial surplusesan average of 3.2% during the 1973-9 period,
generated by oil price increases), made hugeto an average of 1.2% during 1980-81 periods.
deposits  in  various financial institutions.Falling demand in the OECD countries,
especially for primary commodities, was
Secondly, at the same time, a good number ofresponsible for a fall in export values.
middle and high income oil exporting nationsDemand for primary commodities is generally
(especially those with a higher degree ofinelastic, and one reason being that there
industrialisation) decided to acceleratewas  already  a surplus capacity in the OECD.
their rates of economic growth, not
withstanding the increase in oil prices. That3. (D) The Domestic Policies of the Third
policy contrasted sharply with theWorld  Countries
"stagflation" situation prevailing in the
OECD  countries.I must admit that, not all of the blame of
the debt crisis should fall on the burden of
Thirdly, in order to carry out their economicthe Western financial banks. Some blame has
expansion policies, many developing countriesto go to the developing countries themselves.
requested huge loans from OECD commercialDomestic policy errors contributed to the
banks, (in the form of Euro-dollars ), sodeterioration  of  the  debt  situation.
they are able to make massive imports of all
kinds of goods, (apart from oil: inIn Mexico, for example, the government
particular chemical products, foodstuffs andallowed the "Peso" to become seriously
capital  goods).overvalued, and allowed budget deficits to
surge to 16.5% of GNP in 1982, when the
Following upon this point, the OECD banks,presidential election made authorities
with great liquidity and a weak domesticreluctant to carry out effective
demand for funds started a wild competitionbudget-cutting measures. The government stuck
to export capital to the more dynamic of theto a strategy of high growth (8.2% annual
less-developed countries (LDC). This is agrowth in 1978-81). The strategy was based on
very critical moment, as for that verythe assumption that oil prices will always
moment, the LDCs decided to apply to thekeep rising. That probably exceeded capacity
international private banking system togrowth and failed to take adequate account of
obtain the money required to implement theirthe substantial weakening of the oil market
expansive  economic  policies.in  1981  .
Finally, in order to decrease the risks ofIn Brazil, domestic adjustment policies were
those operations, the international privatestronger and indeed contributed to a severe
banks, decided to "change the terms andrecession that began in 1981 and continued
conditions of the loans" shifting from theinto 1983. Even so, Brazil's domestic
fixed of interest that had prevailed untilpolicies bear substantial responsibility for
then, to variable rates. The borrowingthe eventual crisis in 1982. Throughout the
nations accepted such changes under the1970s, after the oil shock, Brazil
influence of the aggressive marketingconsciously followed a high-risk strategy of
techniques employed by the banks. Thispursuing high growth rate based on rapid
included attractive offers that appeared toaccumulation of external debt. The resulting
be to the borrowing nation's benefit, withoutlegacy of large debt proved to be an
realising the grave harm that they wouldoppressive burden when the international
suffer in the future. What appeared in theeconomy weakened and exports declined instead
beginning appeared as a mere technicalof continuing their earlier rapid growth .
innovation that came to be a real trap, sinceMatters were made worse by overvaluation the
any increase in the interest rate would apply"Cruzeiro" after an ill-fated attempt to
to  the  total  outstanding  debt.bring down domestic inflation by placing a
40% ceiling of devaluation in 1980.
2.  (B).  The  Reagan  Administrationnevertheless, in 1981, the government was
taking adjustment measures and was considered
The second period started shortly after theby the international financial community to
Reagan Administration in the USA (Januarybe  managing  the  economy  well.
1981). During this period, the situation of
the mid-1970s changed completely. Alongside aIn Venezuela and Mexico, policies led to
world economic recession, inflation becamelarge capital flight abroad. The basic defect
increasingly intense in the US and otherwas maintenance of an overvalued exchange
industrial nations, and rates of interestrate on a fully convertible basis, combined
escalated. The economic recession in thewith domestic interest rate policy that
central nations caused a sharp drop in pricesfailed to provide sufficient attraction to
of raw materials exported by Third Worldretail capital domestically. As a
countries. This was precisely the moment,consequence, in 1982, the decline in
when the financial charges, due to interestVenezuela's official external assets reached
payments became heavier, and when the flow ofover $8 billion, although on current account
fresh capital to the Third World began toits  deficit  was  only  $2.2  billion  .
decrease.
Similarly, in Mexico, errors and omissions
Such was the case in Autumn 1982: Mexico wasshowed outflows of $8.4 billion in 1981 and
an oil exporter, (or was at least$6.6 billion in 1982, and short term capital
self-sufficient), declared that it could notoutflows added $2.1 billion in 1982, for
repay its debts, and the crisis in Mexicototal capital flight of $17 billion . This is
caused the full attention of the entirealmost as much as Mexico had borrowed in the
industrial nations. The crisis becamesame  period.
universal, and was followed by 30 other Latin
American countries in 1983, (including BrazilIn Argentina, in 1980 and 1981, errors and
and Argentina ). Latin American countries hadomissions and short-term capital outflows
to compress their imports in order to be ableregistered total capital flight of $11.2
to continue paying their debt services, andbillion. To make things worse, Argentina had
for the first time, Latin America became ana very ineffective stabilisation policy with
important  "net  capital  exporter".the collapse of the "Peso", and extremely
high  inflation  in  1981.
The extreme problem in 1982 derived primarily
from the effects of global recession fromThe hostile shock of the credit markets from
1980 to 1982, combined with hostile mentalthe Falklands did not help! As this was
shocks to credit markets caused by events inassociated with the mutual freeze of assets,
individual countries. To a traditionalbetween the United Kingdom and Argentina .
economist: "the problem is a consequence ofThus, the capital flight has contributed to
the development from inflation tonearly  one-third of total debt in Argentina.
dis-inflation in the world economy. Funds
that were borrowed when inflation was high,Another problem, with the Third World
and real interest rates were low or negative,countries was their long-term development
are no longer cheap in an environment ofstrategies.  Such  strategies  included  :
lower  inflation  and  high  interest rates".
(i). Excessive protection in programs of
3.  The  causes  of  the  Debt Crisis problemindustrialisation based on import
substitution.
Having examined the growth of debt during the
1970s, and having looked at the circumstances(ii).  Inadequate  pricing  of  capital
which led to crises for Latin Countries
(Mexico in particular) during the early(iii)  Over  pricing  of  labour
1980s, the next question to be answered is
"why did the debt grow so fast in the 1970s?"(iv). Overly ambitious and ineffective
development  in  many  developing  countries.
3.  (A)  The  rise  in  oil  prices
The damaging pressures from the global
One of the most important causes of debteconomy have made it more essential that
growth was the rise in oil prices in 1973-4distortions in basic development strategies
and 1979-80. only a few debtor countries,be corrected. Such long-term developments
such as Mexico, Indonesia, Venezuela andstrategies consequently made their goods less
Ecuador, benefited from the rise in oilcompetitive  on  world  markets.
prices. The table below, shows the difference
between what was paid for oil and what wouldA further problem was the growing reliance on
have been paid for oil, had its price notshort-term debts. This was very prevalent in
increased  more  than  the US inflation rate.Brazil, Mexico, Argentina and Venezuela. In
1982  :
Impact of oil prices on the debt of non-oil
developing  countries• Brazil's short-term debt stood at
$21.3 billion, (total debt to banks $62.7
1973-1982  (billions  of  US  dollars)billion)
YEAR A B A-B• Mexico's short-term debt stood at
$31.2 billion, (total debt to banks $62.7
1973  4.8  4.8  0.0billion)
1974  16.1  5.3  10.8• Argentina's short-term debt stood at
$13.5 billion, (total debt to banks 25.5
1975  17.3  5.7  11.6billion)
1976  21.3  6.8  14.5• Venezuela's short-term debt stood at
$15.3 billion, (total debt to banks $26.7
1977  23.8  7.5  16.3billion)
1978  26.0  8.6  17.4Over 50% of Mexican and Venezuelan debts to
Western banks had maturities of one year or
1979  39.0  10.9  28.1less. The assumption was that such short-term
debt facilities would be always available: ye
1980  63.2  11.9  51.3another  incorrect  assumption.
1981  66.7  12.1  54.64.  Conclusion
1982  66.7  11.9  54.8The global debt problem that has emerged in
many developing countries in 1982, can be
TOTAL 344.9  85.5  259.5traced to higher oil prices in 1973-74 and
1979-80, high interest rates in 1980-82,
A=  Actual  cost  of  oildeclining export prices and volumes
associated with global recession 1981-2, and
B= Cost of oil if its price has not increasedwith problems of domestic economic
beyond  US  inflation  ratemanagement.
C=  Additional  cost  of  oilThe global debt problem has grown to large
dimensions, and in 1981-82 that growth
The additional increasing cost of oil overoutpaced the growth of exports that sustain
the decade was therefore $260 billion. Thisthe debt. Due to the magnitude of this debt,
massive transfer of resources between Thirdand the widespread evidence of debt-servicing
World countries could not have taken placedifficulties, the debt problem currently
without equally massive borrowing fromposes a considerable risk to the security of
Western  banks.the international financial system. As, the
debt crisis is likely to continue, and be an
3.  (B)  The  Western  Banksobstacle on the growth of international trade
through lower exports, investment and
The Western commercial banks would also haveemployment.
to take some of the blame and were only too
happy to lend to sovereign states whoseENDNOTES
export performance looked promising. Such
lending was more profitable than lending inTime  Magazine,  10  January  1984,  p42
the developed First World markets. The Third
World was regarded as a growth area for newRobert Gilpin, The Political Economy of
lending  by  Western  banks.International Relations, Prince town
University  Press,  1987,  p317-185
The almost unlimited availability of bank
loans very often persuaded a process ofThe Economist, Is Anybody Paying, 14 March
de-industrialisation. Increased debt led to1987.
increased interest payments, which (if the
loans were not properly invested), led toHitesh Patel has written many articles on the
further loans. Through these changes, manyEuro-Dollar market. Further details can be
Third World countries became more vulnerableobtained  at:
to  developments  in  the  world  economy.
Mario Marcel and Gabriel Palma, The Debt
If this argument is taken into account, thenCrisis: the Third World and the British
the Western commercial banks themselves areBanks, Fabian Society, Series number 350, May
responsible,  for  five  reasons:1987,  p1
(i). The banks believed that countries couldIMF, World Economic Outlook and International
not go bankrupt, and that no real insolvencyFinance Statistics (Various issues) at the
crisis  could  occur.British  Library
(ii). Many of the loans were organisedMario Marcel and Gabriel Palma, The Debt
through a syndicates of banks, and many ofCrises: The Third World and the British
the participating banks felt no need forBanks, Fabian Society, Series number 350. May
their  own  "risk  assessments".1987
(iii). Competition for a share of the marketIMF International Financial Statistics
transformed many banks into virtualYearbook,  1982
"loan-pushers". The two main players being
City  Bank  (US)  and  Natwest  Bank  (UK).William R Cline, "Mexico's Crisis, The
World's Peril", Foreign Policy, No 49 (Winter
(iv). Lending at variable interest rates1982-83),  p  107-18
allowed the banks to transfer the risk
associated  with  inflation to the borrowers.William R Cline, "Brazil's Aggressive
Response to External Shock", World Inflation
(v). The absence of effective regulatoryand the Developing Countries, William R Cline
bodies in the international financial marketand Associates, (Washington: Brookings
made it easier for banks to follow their ownInstitution,  1981),  p102-35
short-term interests and instincts in their
lending policy, and to ignore the medium andUN Economic Commission for Latin America,
long  term  effects  of  their  actions.Preliminary Balance of the Latin American
Economy  in 1982, Santiago, January 1983, p13
It must be remembered that in the financial
business of lending money, loans are anM.S. Mendelson, Commercial banks and the
element of a huge commercial market, whereRestructuring of Cross-Border Debt, New york:
banks struggle for a share of the market.Group  of  Thirty,  1983,  p23
This is socially constructed capitalism in
practice.Banco De Mexico, Informe Annual, Mexico City,
1982,  p230
The intention of lending money to the Third
World was a "new concept", where banks reliedIMF, International Financial Statistics, May
on a "handful of simple credit-worthiness1983,  p68
indicators", that were not helpful in
forecasting the likelihood of the crisis.Word bank, World Development Report 1983,
Some banks even began to push their customersPart  II,  Washington,  1983
to accept higher loans, by offering customers
more money than they had asked for, and by(Short-term debt data, by country): American
easing  their  credit  conditions.Express International banking Corporation,
International debt: Banks and the LDCs, AMEX
Another point to note, is that, the banksBank review Special Paper No 10, London
also needed to buy time to strengthen their(American Express International Banking
capital base. Banks began to accept theCorporation), 1984.



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