| 1. Introduction | | | | rolling over of debts , the re-scheduling of |
| | | | debt repayments, and the supplying of new |
| The debt crisis and loan defaults have been a | | | | money. While agreeing to delay in the |
| constant feature of the global economy, the | | | | repayments of the loans, the banks opposed |
| present size of the world debt problem | | | | any reduction in the interest of the loans. |
| overwhelms the imagination. It is clear that | | | | |
| the countries in the Third World are in an | | | | This was the structural weakness of the |
| inherently disadvantageous position. As | | | | financial system. Once committed, it was |
| primary exporters, they are at the mercy of | | | | practically impossible for banks to withdraw |
| price and demand fluctuations in | | | | from the market. |
| international markets. These fluctuations are | | | | |
| beyond the sellers' control as they reflect | | | | 3. (C) Interest Rates and Recession |
| the economic health of client industries in | | | | |
| the West. | | | | If higher oil prices set the stage for a |
| | | | heavy debt burden for many countries in the |
| The total world debt soared from | | | | 1970s, the global recession and high interest |
| approximately $100 billion in the early 1970s | | | | rates of 1980-82 added sufficiently to the |
| to nearly $900 billion dollars by the | | | | burden indiscreetly. |
| mid-1980s. Time Magazine stated, "Never in | | | | |
| history have so many nations owed so much | | | | Borrowers became accustomed to low real |
| money with so little promise of repayment" . | | | | interest rates in the 1970s, it made sense to |
| | | | borrow in such conditions. In 1979-80, |
| This paper will explain the "origins" of the | | | | nominal interest rates were high, (LIBOR - |
| debt crisis problem and re-assess in detail | | | | London Interbank Offered rate - averaged |
| the causes of the debt problem, and question | | | | 13.2%). Approximately two-thirds of |
| whether the Third World Debt Crisis was a | | | | developing country debt is indexed to LIBOR . |
| crisis of debt (i.e. the fault of the | | | | |
| developing countries) or of credit (i.e. | | | | However, by 1981-82, inflation fell sharply, |
| irresponsible lending by banks). | | | | but nominal interest rates remained high. |
| | | | This meant very high real interest rates of |
| 2. The "origins" of the Debt Crisis problem | | | | 7.5% in 1981 and 11% in 1982. It did not make |
| | | | sense to borrow in such conditions, but by |
| There are so many books and articles that | | | | then most non-oil developing countries had no |
| provide detailed descriptions to the origins | | | | choice in the matter. They had to borrow more |
| of the debt problem . However in my opinion, | | | | in order to pay-off old debts, and the |
| the global debt problem stems from two | | | | interest rates had an immediate effect on |
| periods: | | | | debt growth. |
| | | | |
| • In particular, the forces dating to | | | | Instead in an effort to reduce inflation, |
| the mid-1970s, and the first oil price shock | | | | some Western Governments increased interest |
| (1973-74) | | | | rates and adopted tight fiscal policies. The |
| | | | non-oil developing countries paid the price |
| • The beginning of the Reagan | | | | of that interest rise in 1981-82. For |
| Administration | | | | debtors, inflation is a good thing, as it |
| | | | erodes the debt they have to pay off. For |
| 2. (A). The mid-1970s and the first oil price | | | | creditors, who wanted to reduce inflation, |
| shock | | | | increased interest rates were a worth-while |
| | | | price to pay for lower inflation. |
| The period 1974-80, played a huge part to the | | | | |
| debt crisis, which can summarised as follows: | | | | The problem of this policy, was that higher |
| | | | interest rates tended to aggravate the world |
| Firstly the most important oil-exporting | | | | recession, that began in the 1979-80period. |
| countries, (not being able to utilise | | | | Growth rates in the OECD countries fell from |
| domestically the vast financial surpluses | | | | an average of 3.2% during the 1973-9 period, |
| generated by oil price increases), made huge | | | | to an average of 1.2% during 1980-81 periods. |
| deposits in various financial institutions. | | | | Falling demand in the OECD countries, |
| | | | especially for primary commodities, was |
| Secondly, at the same time, a good number of | | | | responsible for a fall in export values. |
| middle and high income oil exporting nations | | | | Demand for primary commodities is generally |
| (especially those with a higher degree of | | | | inelastic, and one reason being that there |
| industrialisation) decided to accelerate | | | | was already a surplus capacity in the OECD. |
| their rates of economic growth, not | | | | |
| withstanding the increase in oil prices. That | | | | 3. (D) The Domestic Policies of the Third |
| policy contrasted sharply with the | | | | World Countries |
| "stagflation" situation prevailing in the | | | | |
| OECD countries. | | | | I must admit that, not all of the blame of |
| | | | the debt crisis should fall on the burden of |
| Thirdly, in order to carry out their economic | | | | the Western financial banks. Some blame has |
| expansion policies, many developing countries | | | | to go to the developing countries themselves. |
| requested huge loans from OECD commercial | | | | Domestic policy errors contributed to the |
| banks, (in the form of Euro-dollars ), so | | | | deterioration of the debt situation. |
| they are able to make massive imports of all | | | | |
| kinds of goods, (apart from oil: in | | | | In Mexico, for example, the government |
| particular chemical products, foodstuffs and | | | | allowed the "Peso" to become seriously |
| capital goods). | | | | overvalued, and allowed budget deficits to |
| | | | surge to 16.5% of GNP in 1982, when the |
| Following upon this point, the OECD banks, | | | | presidential election made authorities |
| with great liquidity and a weak domestic | | | | reluctant to carry out effective |
| demand for funds started a wild competition | | | | budget-cutting measures. The government stuck |
| to export capital to the more dynamic of the | | | | to a strategy of high growth (8.2% annual |
| less-developed countries (LDC). This is a | | | | growth in 1978-81). The strategy was based on |
| very critical moment, as for that very | | | | the assumption that oil prices will always |
| moment, the LDCs decided to apply to the | | | | keep rising. That probably exceeded capacity |
| international private banking system to | | | | growth and failed to take adequate account of |
| obtain the money required to implement their | | | | the substantial weakening of the oil market |
| expansive economic policies. | | | | in 1981 . |
| | | | |
| Finally, in order to decrease the risks of | | | | In Brazil, domestic adjustment policies were |
| those operations, the international private | | | | stronger and indeed contributed to a severe |
| banks, decided to "change the terms and | | | | recession that began in 1981 and continued |
| conditions of the loans" shifting from the | | | | into 1983. Even so, Brazil's domestic |
| fixed of interest that had prevailed until | | | | policies bear substantial responsibility for |
| then, to variable rates. The borrowing | | | | the eventual crisis in 1982. Throughout the |
| nations accepted such changes under the | | | | 1970s, after the oil shock, Brazil |
| influence of the aggressive marketing | | | | consciously followed a high-risk strategy of |
| techniques employed by the banks. This | | | | pursuing high growth rate based on rapid |
| included attractive offers that appeared to | | | | accumulation of external debt. The resulting |
| be to the borrowing nation's benefit, without | | | | legacy of large debt proved to be an |
| realising the grave harm that they would | | | | oppressive burden when the international |
| suffer in the future. What appeared in the | | | | economy weakened and exports declined instead |
| beginning appeared as a mere technical | | | | of continuing their earlier rapid growth . |
| innovation that came to be a real trap, since | | | | Matters were made worse by overvaluation the |
| any increase in the interest rate would apply | | | | "Cruzeiro" after an ill-fated attempt to |
| to the total outstanding debt. | | | | bring down domestic inflation by placing a |
| | | | 40% ceiling of devaluation in 1980. |
| 2. (B). The Reagan Administration | | | | nevertheless, in 1981, the government was |
| | | | taking adjustment measures and was considered |
| The second period started shortly after the | | | | by the international financial community to |
| Reagan Administration in the USA (January | | | | be managing the economy well. |
| 1981). During this period, the situation of | | | | |
| the mid-1970s changed completely. Alongside a | | | | In Venezuela and Mexico, policies led to |
| world economic recession, inflation became | | | | large capital flight abroad. The basic defect |
| increasingly intense in the US and other | | | | was maintenance of an overvalued exchange |
| industrial nations, and rates of interest | | | | rate on a fully convertible basis, combined |
| escalated. The economic recession in the | | | | with domestic interest rate policy that |
| central nations caused a sharp drop in prices | | | | failed to provide sufficient attraction to |
| of raw materials exported by Third World | | | | retail capital domestically. As a |
| countries. This was precisely the moment, | | | | consequence, in 1982, the decline in |
| when the financial charges, due to interest | | | | Venezuela's official external assets reached |
| payments became heavier, and when the flow of | | | | over $8 billion, although on current account |
| fresh capital to the Third World began to | | | | its deficit was only $2.2 billion . |
| decrease. | | | | |
| | | | Similarly, in Mexico, errors and omissions |
| Such was the case in Autumn 1982: Mexico was | | | | showed outflows of $8.4 billion in 1981 and |
| an oil exporter, (or was at least | | | | $6.6 billion in 1982, and short term capital |
| self-sufficient), declared that it could not | | | | outflows added $2.1 billion in 1982, for |
| repay its debts, and the crisis in Mexico | | | | total capital flight of $17 billion . This is |
| caused the full attention of the entire | | | | almost as much as Mexico had borrowed in the |
| industrial nations. The crisis became | | | | same period. |
| universal, and was followed by 30 other Latin | | | | |
| American countries in 1983, (including Brazil | | | | In Argentina, in 1980 and 1981, errors and |
| and Argentina ). Latin American countries had | | | | omissions and short-term capital outflows |
| to compress their imports in order to be able | | | | registered total capital flight of $11.2 |
| to continue paying their debt services, and | | | | billion. To make things worse, Argentina had |
| for the first time, Latin America became an | | | | a very ineffective stabilisation policy with |
| important "net capital exporter". | | | | the collapse of the "Peso", and extremely |
| | | | high inflation in 1981. |
| The extreme problem in 1982 derived primarily | | | | |
| from the effects of global recession from | | | | The hostile shock of the credit markets from |
| 1980 to 1982, combined with hostile mental | | | | the Falklands did not help! As this was |
| shocks to credit markets caused by events in | | | | associated with the mutual freeze of assets, |
| individual countries. To a traditional | | | | between the United Kingdom and Argentina . |
| economist: "the problem is a consequence of | | | | Thus, the capital flight has contributed to |
| the development from inflation to | | | | nearly one-third of total debt in Argentina. |
| dis-inflation in the world economy. Funds | | | | |
| that were borrowed when inflation was high, | | | | Another problem, with the Third World |
| and real interest rates were low or negative, | | | | countries was their long-term development |
| are no longer cheap in an environment of | | | | strategies. Such strategies included : |
| lower inflation and high interest rates". | | | | |
| | | | (i). Excessive protection in programs of |
| 3. The causes of the Debt Crisis problem | | | | industrialisation based on import |
| | | | substitution. |
| Having examined the growth of debt during the | | | | |
| 1970s, and having looked at the circumstances | | | | (ii). Inadequate pricing of capital |
| which led to crises for Latin Countries | | | | |
| (Mexico in particular) during the early | | | | (iii) Over pricing of labour |
| 1980s, the next question to be answered is | | | | |
| "why did the debt grow so fast in the 1970s?" | | | | (iv). Overly ambitious and ineffective |
| | | | development in many developing countries. |
| 3. (A) The rise in oil prices | | | | |
| | | | The damaging pressures from the global |
| One of the most important causes of debt | | | | economy have made it more essential that |
| growth was the rise in oil prices in 1973-4 | | | | distortions in basic development strategies |
| and 1979-80. only a few debtor countries, | | | | be corrected. Such long-term developments |
| such as Mexico, Indonesia, Venezuela and | | | | strategies consequently made their goods less |
| Ecuador, benefited from the rise in oil | | | | competitive on world markets. |
| prices. The table below, shows the difference | | | | |
| between what was paid for oil and what would | | | | A further problem was the growing reliance on |
| have been paid for oil, had its price not | | | | short-term debts. This was very prevalent in |
| increased more than the US inflation rate. | | | | Brazil, Mexico, Argentina and Venezuela. In |
| | | | 1982 : |
| Impact of oil prices on the debt of non-oil | | | | |
| developing countries | | | | • Brazil's short-term debt stood at |
| | | | $21.3 billion, (total debt to banks $62.7 |
| 1973-1982 (billions of US dollars) | | | | billion) |
| | | | |
| YEAR A B A-B | | | | • Mexico's short-term debt stood at |
| | | | $31.2 billion, (total debt to banks $62.7 |
| 1973 4.8 4.8 0.0 | | | | billion) |
| | | | |
| 1974 16.1 5.3 10.8 | | | | • Argentina's short-term debt stood at |
| | | | $13.5 billion, (total debt to banks 25.5 |
| 1975 17.3 5.7 11.6 | | | | billion) |
| | | | |
| 1976 21.3 6.8 14.5 | | | | • Venezuela's short-term debt stood at |
| | | | $15.3 billion, (total debt to banks $26.7 |
| 1977 23.8 7.5 16.3 | | | | billion) |
| | | | |
| 1978 26.0 8.6 17.4 | | | | Over 50% of Mexican and Venezuelan debts to |
| | | | Western banks had maturities of one year or |
| 1979 39.0 10.9 28.1 | | | | less. The assumption was that such short-term |
| | | | debt facilities would be always available: ye |
| 1980 63.2 11.9 51.3 | | | | another incorrect assumption. |
| | | | |
| 1981 66.7 12.1 54.6 | | | | 4. Conclusion |
| | | | |
| 1982 66.7 11.9 54.8 | | | | The global debt problem that has emerged in |
| | | | many developing countries in 1982, can be |
| TOTAL 344.9 85.5 259.5 | | | | traced to higher oil prices in 1973-74 and |
| | | | 1979-80, high interest rates in 1980-82, |
| A= Actual cost of oil | | | | declining export prices and volumes |
| | | | associated with global recession 1981-2, and |
| B= Cost of oil if its price has not increased | | | | with problems of domestic economic |
| beyond US inflation rate | | | | management. |
| | | | |
| C= Additional cost of oil | | | | The global debt problem has grown to large |
| | | | dimensions, and in 1981-82 that growth |
| The additional increasing cost of oil over | | | | outpaced the growth of exports that sustain |
| the decade was therefore $260 billion. This | | | | the debt. Due to the magnitude of this debt, |
| massive transfer of resources between Third | | | | and the widespread evidence of debt-servicing |
| World countries could not have taken place | | | | difficulties, the debt problem currently |
| without equally massive borrowing from | | | | poses a considerable risk to the security of |
| Western banks. | | | | the international financial system. As, the |
| | | | debt crisis is likely to continue, and be an |
| 3. (B) The Western Banks | | | | obstacle on the growth of international trade |
| | | | through lower exports, investment and |
| The Western commercial banks would also have | | | | employment. |
| to take some of the blame and were only too | | | | |
| happy to lend to sovereign states whose | | | | ENDNOTES |
| export performance looked promising. Such | | | | |
| lending was more profitable than lending in | | | | Time Magazine, 10 January 1984, p42 |
| the developed First World markets. The Third | | | | |
| World was regarded as a growth area for new | | | | Robert Gilpin, The Political Economy of |
| lending by Western banks. | | | | International Relations, Prince town |
| | | | University Press, 1987, p317-185 |
| The almost unlimited availability of bank | | | | |
| loans very often persuaded a process of | | | | The Economist, Is Anybody Paying, 14 March |
| de-industrialisation. Increased debt led to | | | | 1987. |
| increased interest payments, which (if the | | | | |
| loans were not properly invested), led to | | | | Hitesh Patel has written many articles on the |
| further loans. Through these changes, many | | | | Euro-Dollar market. Further details can be |
| Third World countries became more vulnerable | | | | obtained at: |
| to developments in the world economy. | | | | |
| | | | Mario Marcel and Gabriel Palma, The Debt |
| If this argument is taken into account, then | | | | Crisis: the Third World and the British |
| the Western commercial banks themselves are | | | | Banks, Fabian Society, Series number 350, May |
| responsible, for five reasons: | | | | 1987, p1 |
| | | | |
| (i). The banks believed that countries could | | | | IMF, World Economic Outlook and International |
| not go bankrupt, and that no real insolvency | | | | Finance Statistics (Various issues) at the |
| crisis could occur. | | | | British Library |
| | | | |
| (ii). Many of the loans were organised | | | | Mario Marcel and Gabriel Palma, The Debt |
| through a syndicates of banks, and many of | | | | Crises: The Third World and the British |
| the participating banks felt no need for | | | | Banks, Fabian Society, Series number 350. May |
| their own "risk assessments". | | | | 1987 |
| | | | |
| (iii). Competition for a share of the market | | | | IMF International Financial Statistics |
| transformed many banks into virtual | | | | Yearbook, 1982 |
| "loan-pushers". The two main players being | | | | |
| City Bank (US) and Natwest Bank (UK). | | | | William R Cline, "Mexico's Crisis, The |
| | | | World's Peril", Foreign Policy, No 49 (Winter |
| (iv). Lending at variable interest rates | | | | 1982-83), p 107-18 |
| allowed the banks to transfer the risk | | | | |
| associated with inflation to the borrowers. | | | | William R Cline, "Brazil's Aggressive |
| | | | Response to External Shock", World Inflation |
| (v). The absence of effective regulatory | | | | and the Developing Countries, William R Cline |
| bodies in the international financial market | | | | and Associates, (Washington: Brookings |
| made it easier for banks to follow their own | | | | Institution, 1981), p102-35 |
| short-term interests and instincts in their | | | | |
| lending policy, and to ignore the medium and | | | | UN Economic Commission for Latin America, |
| long term effects of their actions. | | | | Preliminary Balance of the Latin American |
| | | | Economy in 1982, Santiago, January 1983, p13 |
| It must be remembered that in the financial | | | | |
| business of lending money, loans are an | | | | M.S. Mendelson, Commercial banks and the |
| element of a huge commercial market, where | | | | Restructuring of Cross-Border Debt, New york: |
| banks struggle for a share of the market. | | | | Group of Thirty, 1983, p23 |
| This is socially constructed capitalism in | | | | |
| practice. | | | | Banco De Mexico, Informe Annual, Mexico City, |
| | | | 1982, p230 |
| The intention of lending money to the Third | | | | |
| World was a "new concept", where banks relied | | | | IMF, International Financial Statistics, May |
| on a "handful of simple credit-worthiness | | | | 1983, p68 |
| indicators", that were not helpful in | | | | |
| forecasting the likelihood of the crisis. | | | | Word bank, World Development Report 1983, |
| Some banks even began to push their customers | | | | Part II, Washington, 1983 |
| to accept higher loans, by offering customers | | | | |
| more money than they had asked for, and by | | | | (Short-term debt data, by country): American |
| easing their credit conditions. | | | | Express International banking Corporation, |
| | | | International debt: Banks and the LDCs, AMEX |
| Another point to note, is that, the banks | | | | Bank review Special Paper No 10, London |
| also needed to buy time to strengthen their | | | | (American Express International Banking |
| capital base. Banks began to accept the | | | | Corporation), 1984. |